Can Labour survive migration?

Why you have to understand biraderi networks to understand Britain's local government

Last month, a new political party was formed in Britain; the Independent Candidate Alliance. Launched by Akhmed Yakoob & Shakeel Afsar – the former a solicitor and activist who also contested the West Midlands Mayoral contest, the later a community leader who has led protests on LGBT education, Kashmir and Palestine,both of whom ran in the 2024 General Election as part of the wave of independent candidates that ran against Labour in high Muslim population areas after the party was perceived to be weak on Gaza.

The party’s mission is, according to their website, ‘dedicated to fighting for Birmingham’s neglected inner-city communities, which have suffered from years of underinvestment and political inaction’ In an interview, Yakoob was more direct, stating that the intention was to 'drive the Labour party out of power' in Birmingham; the party will therefore focus on unseating sitting Labour councillors in areas like including Alum Rock, Lozells, Ladywood, Perry Barr, Aston, Small Heath, Sparkhill and Sparkbrook – all of which, again, have a large Muslim population.

Late last year, after Liverpool City Council officially recognized the Republic of Somaliland, I wrote this piece on how Somali clannishness might affect British institutions, and how immigration meant we must now ‘understand Somali clan politics to understand Liverpool's local government’.

The launch of this new party is a similar downstream effect of Britain’s immigration policy and the increasing influence of clannishness on our politics; in this case, the largely-Pakistani Biraderi system.

The clan networks are influences heavily by the family structure. Family is the cornerstone of society in Pakistan, encompassing a wide network of relationships; extended relatives play a crucial role in daily life, and the vast majority of Pakistanis live in multigenerational households where three, four, or even five generations reside together.

The concept of wasta (relationship-building) lies at the heart of this family dynamic. Pakistanis tend to rely on their relatives more than anyone else for financial assistance, social support, and job opportunities. With large household sizes, most income is directed toward maintaining the family home. Only the privileged elite or those who have migrated to urban areas have largely adopted a nuclear family structure. Even in such cases, extended relatives often live nearby and continue to depend on one another for financial and social support.

Family ties are therefore central to economic survival, employment opportunities, and social mobility, so people tend to rely on their biraderi (kinship group) for support rather than external institutions. This system fosters a deep sense of loyalty and mutual obligation, where individuals prioritize the interests of their kin over outsiders.

This kinship forms the foundation of tribal political organization, with extended families tracing their ancestry back eight to ten generations. Within this system most lineages are interconnected, and power in the tribal structure is directly tied to the strength and unity of one's clan, with greater cohesion translating to greater influence. For a sectional leader to effectively exercise authority, they must unify their clan members; without their collective support, maintaining power becomes impossible.

As a result Pakistan kinship-based politics - as in South Asia more broadly - is ‘firmly anchored in the politics of clientelism’. As was noted by two Chinese academics in a paper titled Dynasticism and Role of Clans in Politicizing Elections in Pakistan;

You can conclude that role or behavior of member towards political institutions is influenced and determined by nature of his clan... People have less to say and care about national politics. Their main priority is their clan’s affiliation and interests. Clan politics forms parochial political culture which is injurious for any state especially democratic ones.

Clan, tribe, caste, and biraderi networks not only play a crucial role in influence voting behavior but also serve to legitimize a political family's control over resources, enabling them to pass wealth and power down through generations as a form of political inheritance.

But how is it affecting Britain?

The UK's First Past the Post electoral system benefits parties with geographically concentrated support, particularly at the local level where turnout is low and communities are more easily accessed.

In areas with significant South Asian communities, local politicians formed close ties with biraderi elders or community representatives. For biraderi leaders, acting as community representatives brought prestige and influence within the South Asian population. Meanwhile, politicians sought to cultivate these relationships, seeing biraderi elders as gatekeepers to a potential bloc vote. This dynamic created a system where politicians became patrons, and biraderi leaders acted as clients, delivering votes in exchange for political favour—what Lewis Baston termed “manipulated clan politics.”